Angola’s Independence Movement

To understand the origin of this crisis it is integral to understand the importance and role of Angola as part of the Empire of Portugal and Ultramar (Ultramar means the colonies beyond the sea). Angola was originally an amalgamation of ethnic groups of the Bantu speaking population and people from the territories of the Kongo Empire who primarily practiced subsistence agriculture. The Bantu group was further divided three ethnicities comprising the Ovimbndu, Kimbundu and Bakango.

Portugal moved from a monarchy to a democratic framework in 1932 under the leadership of Antonio Salazar who played a pivotal role in the influence of Portugal in its colonies abroad. Salazar established the concept of “Estado Novo” and adopted a policy of economic integration to ensure Angola’s prosperity through rapid industrialisation and development. Angola was utilised to extract raw materials and important cash crops such as coffee and cotton. This is how Angola emerged as a typical colony or a dumping ground for the Portuguese. All manufactured goods were sold within the territory and Portugal maintained its sphere of influence in trade and economy.

Another notable fact during Salazar’s regime was the great influx of Portuguese migrants who came with hopes of better economic opportunities and prosperity. This migration of people of Portuguese origin was integral to a change in social order in Angola. Although the European immigrant’s were minorities they were influential in the economic and political reorganisation in Angola. Another transition in the social setup was the formation of the multi-ethnic group known as the Mulattos or Mesticos (they were a mixed racial group of European and Black descent).

This new group of mixed race Africans and Europeans were uplifted to a “bourgeoisie status ” due to their influence as majority stakeholders in businesses’, trade and politics. This group comprised less than ten percent of the population and had benefits such as lower taxes and preference by the government in job allocation. This distinction between races resulted in a rift between the Black and the other minority racial groups. The Blacks were enraged as they were diminished to a status of “uncivilised” and there was discrimination in the economic sphere.

This new ethnic group, however, sympathised with the Black population against the exploitation of the Portuguese and would carry on to play a pivotal and central role in the agitation towards the independence of Angola.

This new group of mixed race Africans and Europeans were uplifted to a “bourgeoisie status ”due to their influence as majority stakeholders in businesses’, trade and politics. This group comprised less than ten percent of the population and had benefits such as lower taxes and preference by the government in job allocation. This distinction between races resulted in a rift between the Black and the other minority racial groups. The Blacks were enraged as they were diminished to a status of “uncivilised” and there was discrimination in the economic sphere.

This new ethnic group, however, sympathised with the Black population against the exploitation of the Portuguese and would carry on to play a pivotal and central role in the agitation towards the independence of Angola.

A new group of urbanised elite sprang by the turn of the decade in the 1950s consisting of the black aristocracy and the mulattos who advocated for nationalism and liberation from Portugal. There was radical talk amongst the urban elite calling for resistance and they soon formed political institutions to supplement their ideology. The Party of the United Struggle for African in Angola (PLUA) was founded in 1953, which would serve as predecessor for the FNLA. The independence of various African nations and their recognition as legitimate unions under the United Nations in the 1950s, also added fuel to the fire, instigating the formation of groups and rebellions in Angola.

The 1960s was the core of the independence movement and saw a tumultuous change in the overall sentiment of the nation. This period also epitomises the creation of factions who remained at loggerheads throughout the independence struggle and marked the political life in Angola.

The MPLA envisioned Angola as an independent communist state and drew their inspiration based on ideology, which was a synthesis of Marxism and Africanism. The MPLA gained prominence on 4th February 1961 when it carried out bombings in the Luanda prison and registered its central role in the independence movement. Holden Roberto spearheaded the FNLA; he was instrumental in creating political ties with China, United States of America and African nations. In 1962 the FNLA emerged as the Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE) officially recognised by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as the legitimate government of the colonial struggle in Angola. The main reason for the FNLA’s success was diplomatic relations Roberto established through his tours of New York and Addis Ababa gaining international support. The UNITA, however, only came into the picture in the mid 1960s when foreign minister of the Exile government Jonas Savimbi publicly resigned at the summit of the Organisation of African Unity expressing his resentment to the functioning of the FNLA and the despotic nature of Holden Roberto’s governance. Savimbi went on to form the UNITA as the representative of the Ovimbundu, which comprised the largest ethnic group in Africa. Jonas Savimbi polarised the ethnic community in Angola in this manner. This is what symbolised the political structure and power dynamics of the situation in Angola.

This emergence of groups sparked segregation based on ethnicity and regions within Angola. The FNLA was mainly a movement of the Bakango people in the Northern region while the MPLA were restricted to their stronghold in the coastal regions of Luanda and Benguela.In the early 1960s small brawls broke out in the streets between the supporters of the two rival camps. However, in the course of time these groups formed their guerrilla units to combat each other. Despite the MPLA’s massive popularity amongst the new “ bourgeoisie class ” it didn’t gain official recognition due to its violent actions in Luanda in 1961. Moreover, internal conflict between party members and their greed for central leadership led to the downfall of the once cohesive unit of like minded political leaders such as Viratio de Cruz, Lucio Lara and de Adrande. After massive reorganisation of the party by Agoshtino Neto in Brazzaville and the return of the philosophical and political leader de Adrnade the MPLA came out in full force successfully carrying out raids in Cabinda. The MPLA garnered enough international support from African nations by 1965 and was the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), soon reversed it s decision to recognise the MPLA as the legitimate government in exile.

The end of 1966 marked the end of the first phase of the struggle for independence in Angola. The MPLA emerged on top, but its new threat was the presence of the UNITA in the south in the central regions of Angola. Jonas Savimbi influenced the largest ethnic group by using exclusion tactics and formed his own regime of supporters. The UNITA was representative of the majority group in Angola according to Savimbi, who soon embarked on forming his political base from Lusaka in Zambia forming battalions of youth ready to fight for the UNITA’s cause. The UNITA was largely backed by China, which is reflected in the party’s founding policy based upon Maoism.

During this period, Portugal was itself was in a predicament and followed a policy of pacifism towards its colonies in Africa. The Caetano regime was under criticism by the United Nations, who initiated decolonisation in Africa. In order to maintain its colonies Portugal gave these territories provincial status. Moreover, at this point of time Portugal was engaged in wars in Mozambique and Guinea Bissau and couldn’t maintain its stronghold in Angola. The Movement of the Armed Forces (MFA) could only quell conflicts in the port cities but couldn’t maintain control in the hinterlands. Portugal had too much to handle and was in a state of resignation.

The period from 1966 till the Carnation Revolution in 1974 marked a period of constant armament and formation of international ties by the three factions, which had emerged in the political structure at this point. The position of the FNLA in the political sphere deteriorated, as it was no longer by the OAU as a legitimate organisation (1971) and was demarcated as a revolutionary organisation. However, the FNLA leader Holden Roberto maintained a good relationship with the Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko and increased his influence in the northern fringes of Angola. The UNITA operated from its bases in Zambia and formed various guerrilla units and orchestrated various raids from the eastern border of Angola in over 500 locations; with increased financial and military assistance from China UNITA grew in its influence and recognition. The MPLA increased its squadrons and received aid from Cuba and the Soviet Union. At this time, most governments recognised MPLA as the representative of the decolonisation struggle in Angola and provided logistical and financial aid to the party. Neto also formed ties with Algeria and Tunisia. Meanwhile, the Portuguese forces declined as their resources had been exhausted in counter-insurgency operations at various outposts. The MAF didn’t have enough manpower to deal with the rebels.

The next breakthrough for Angola came in April 1974 when coup d’tat was successful in ousting the leader Marcello Caetona. This marked the end of the Estado Novo policy of Portugal towards its colonies. To gain the upper hand in the situation each faction attempted at appeasing the new leadership in Portugal by agreeing to a ceasefire. The 3 parties met on 15th January along with the Portuguese authorities and agreed to lay the framework for a new constitution and a transitional government; they also agreed to maintain friendly relations during the peace process.

Angola was on the brink of independence from centuries of colonial rule, but for the factions involved registering their supremacy was more important. Independence came at a price; the price was the Angolan Civil War.