Saharanpur: Is Adityanath’s rise to power fueling the resurgence of Thakur pride?

This is the fourth part of the series. Read Part 1, Part 2 & Part 3 here.

With the end of the Rajnath Singh-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Uttar Pradesh in 2002, an era of Thakur dominance in the state’s politics came to an end as well.

For the longest time, the political influence in UP wavered between two upper caste communities—Thakurs and Brahmins.

Between 1982 and 2017, four leaders belonging to the Thakur community became the Chief Minister of the state. However, a consolidation of Yadav and Muslim politics under the Samajwadi Party loosened the upper caste grip on the state’s leadership. Add to this, the emergence of Dalit politics with the rise of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Mayawati who began to sideline the upper caste.

It was only after a decade and half that a Thakur –Yogi Adityanath– assumed charge of CM’s office. Adityanath has been seen as a dominant Thakur face of UP politics – especially in Poorvanchal– for a long time. He carried forward the legacy of Thakur clout in the Gorakhnath math and politics of Gorakhpur – started by Digvijayanath.

In the mid-1990s, Gorakhpur had witnessed bloody caste-based rivalry between Brahmins and Thakurs in form of two gangs –led by Harishankar Tiwari and Virendra Pratap Shahi. In 1997, Shahi was shot dead by a Brahmin gangster Sri Prakash Shukla. With help of the math’s influence, Adityanath soon filled this void. Later when he formed the zealot organization, Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV), it was also dominated by Thakur youth.

With Adityanath’s appointment as CM, the pride of Thakurs was restored.

The events of Shabirpur village in Saharanpur is a classic example. Thakurs have admitted that this was the first time the community had observed Maharana Pratap Jayanti on such a large scale. Those from the neighbouring villages of Haryana also participated. After initial clashes between Thakurs and Dalits in Shabirpur, a mob of 1,000-1,500 Thakurs went on a rampage. The violence in the village was carried out systematically. The Ravidas Temple was attacked, and the statue vandalised. Dalit houses were first identified and then torched. In over 50 houses, from TV to washing machines – everything was destroyed. Fans on the ceiling, which were perhaps, too high to pull down, had their blades twisted. Even shops and a doctor’s clinic on Dalit property was not spared. The attackers possibly knew that the police response team, dispatched from the district headquarters would take at least an hour to reach the village due to poor connectivity. This behaviour could also be due to the sense of impunity the community enjoyed.

Importantly, Saharanpur Senior Superintendent of Police, Subash Chandra Dubey, in a conversation with Newslaundry had said that around 1,000-1,500 Thakurs had run amuck in Shabirpur on May 5. However, only 10 Thakurs were arrested.

On the other hand, the police has been swift in taking action against the supporters of Bhim Army, an organisation of Dalits, who were allegedly responsible for the May 9 clashes in Saharanpur. SSP Dubey said that so far 37 people have been arrested in the May 9 incident and those spreading hate speech on social media. However, he declined to share the caste break-up of those arrested.

BJP’s response to the violence of May 5 should also not be left unexamined. A resident of Rasoolpur Tonk village, 27-year-old Thakur youth, Sumit Singh was killed in the Shabirpur clashes. Notably, two BJP leaders – Deoband MLA Brijesh Singh, a Thakur, and Saharanpur MP Raghav Lakhan Pal – met the family of Singh on Saturday.  Singh and Pal, along with administrative officials, handed over a cheque of Rs 15 lakh to the family. However, until Friday evening, no one from the governing party had gone to meet with any of the Dalits of Shabirpur.

BJP MLA from Ramnagar, Devendra Nim told Newslaundry, “Considering the volatile situation, the administration had requested us not to visit Shabirpur village… We will meet the Dalit families as soon as the administration gives us a heads up.”

It’s not just Saharanpur, similar instances of Thakurs clashing with others have started surfacing in UP – which would seem to indicate a trend. In March, Dalits and Thakurs clashed in Mathura following an incident of alleged eve-teasing. A Dalit youth was assaulted by Thakurs, following which the two communities clashed.

On May 16, a dispute between the Thakurs and Dalits over the construction of drains in Keshopur Jaufari village of Aligarh District turned violent. Later, a few upper caste members began shooting at the Dalits. Seven of the ten injured in the clash prior to the shooting belonged to the Dalit community. The victims have alleged that violence escalated due to the apathy of the local police. Three have been arrested in the case.

Even in the Saharanpur clashes, it was Adityanath’s administration which failed to stop the snowballing of events. And in the aftermath neither did legislators meet the Dalit victims nor did it make clear announcements regarding compensations. Considering Adityanath’s history and legacy of pro-Thakur leaning, such mismanagement could send a clear message, that is, after the Dalits and Yadavs, it’s the Thakurs’ turn to dominate the circles of power. And if that is the case, the events of Saharanpur are just the beginning.

The author can be contacted on Twitter @tweets_amit.